The image associated with mountains has undergone some drastic changes in the past couple of centuries. From being mythical sights of monsters and terror, morphing into territory to be conquered and mapped, and now into a sight of serene beauty and tranquility. Now peaks and ranges are places that are actively sought out and explored. There is a “back to nature” approach by some and to others mountains represent the ultimate personal challenge of will and endurance (Beedie, 631). As a result of these new images and the vast mystique of mountains’ allure there has been a raise in the last few decades of mountain tourism (Beedie, 625-631). More people now than ever are flocking to ranges on all continents and in particular the Himalaya. The creation of National Parks in several countries has in many ways increased this intensity of tourism – the promise of seeing a land set preserved is leading mountains to be openly admired and gawked upon (Stevens, 2003, 266). The pursuits and motivations of mountain tourists are as diverse as the character of the mountaineering tourist themselves; yet despite not being a unified demographic and venture, mountain tourists and mountain tourism are effecting many areas of mountain culture from the mountaineering profession, the environment, the indigenous peoples of the mountain ranges, the tourism industry, and the tourists themselves.
The mountain tourist as a character is a relatively difficult person to define. Placed in a historical context of mountaineering the mountain tourism has popped up just as the “golden age” of Himalaya climbing was dying (Stevens, 2003, 259). The first appearance that is seen of this particular breed of tourist comes from the invention of the trekking industry in the late nineteen-sixties (Stevens, 2003, 259). The trekking industry while remaining a stable source of income for mountain guides did not take off as mass business venture until really the nineteen eighties (Stevens, 2003, 258).
Initially trekking brought in mostly people who were inclined to already be involved in outdoor recreation, relaying on advertisements in outdoor and recreational magazines (Beedie, 626). In the postmodern era however this image has vastly been altered. While there are a vast number of outdoorsy people who make up a large percentage of the trekking industry cliental there is increasingly diverse in this respect (Beedie, 627). There are now many people being attracted to vacations that are “adventurous” — particularly through the solicitation of new life experiences that one could not gain from conventional vacationing and tourism (Mackenzie, 2012, 146). There is an increasing number of middle aged people, and early retirees that are beginning to make up a large minority within the mountain tourism industry (Beedie, 628). However it remains that the typical mountain tourist is a man from the ages twenty-two to thirty-five, most often still enrolled in higher education, or freshly graduated (Mackenzie, 2012, 113).
The mountain tourism has expanded from just merely trekking. While the trekking industry continues to endure as the primary venue, there is an ever increasing demand for actual mountaineering within adventure tourism (Beedie, 627). This is a newer part of the mountaineering field; frequently being grouped with other “extreme” recreational activities such as whitewater rafting, bungee jumping and skydiving as “adventure tourism” (Mackenzie, 2012, 146). Tourists are signing up for vacations outside of conventional bounds by participating in this hybrid recreational activity. It is not uncommon for a single destination vacation to contain a trek, some climbing, a rafting excursion and maybe even some zip lining – all wrapped up in one package (Mackenzie, 2012, 146).
The motivations behind signing up for a mountaineering vacation are many and varied. The predominate reason that adventure tourists have cited for undergoing these particular activities is the thrill of it all (Beedie, 627). There are also many other reasons, seeing parts of the world far from one’s home is another. One of the more interesting facets of motivation are the psychological ones. Some tourist have stated they are trying to get away from the everyday mundane world and “get back to nature” and a resolution to find the lost Eden in one form or another (Mackenzie, 2012, 148). Another psychological reason that has been stated is the finding of oneself, similar to the “getting back to nature” camp but slightly more self-centered (Mackenzie, 2012, 148). Perhaps the most deterministic psychological reason is that of climbing a mountain to overcome the mental obstacles within one’s own mind (Beedie, 627-632). In this respect, the mountains have been taking on a calming persona, a conduit with which new experiences can be cultivated and mental and emotional challenges can be overcome and a sort of healing process can take place (Beedie, 627-632).
These preconceived notions about a climbing vacation however can actually be quite damaging to the person who conceives them. If the excursion does not live up to the person’s expectations then there is the inevitable feeling of being severely let down (Mackenzie, 2012, 114). When natural things go wrong such as a negative turn in the weather, injuries, or even deaths then the experience can actually turn into a misadventure or even as a disaster (Mackenzie, 2012, 114).
Jon Krakauer’s Into Thin Air provides a prime example of the way that mountaineering as tourism can go wrong and have an intense personal impact on adventure tourists. Under the supervision of professional mountain guides led by Rob Hall under the company Adventure Consultants, the commercial expedition Krakauer was part of in his nineteen-ninety-six successful climb of Mount Everest was one of the most well documented and controversial disasters in mountaineering and adventure tourism (Krakauer, XV-XVII). Several members of the expedition were not experienced climbers and depended upon the guides to not just lead them the right way up Everest, but also in developing their own basic climbing methods and techniques (Krakauer, 1-50). Due to an unexpected turn in the weather the climb ended in a disaster. Several people on the Adventure Consultant team as well as other commercial and noncommercial expeditions died, and those who did not perish were left in the thralls of post-traumatic stress and some with grievous injuries (Krakauer, 227-301). Krakauer himself was left emotionally scarred after the incident.
There are those, however, who are fortunate enough to have pleasurable experiences and maintain a positive image of mountaineering and their adventure tourist experience. This positive impression may even motivate a client to become a more serious mountaineer (Beedie, 2003, 165). It is this blurring of the lines that makes mountain tourism such an interesting topic and one that bleeds into a larger area. The fact is that today the impact of mountaineering tourism is seriously effecting the spheres of hardcore mountaineers and mountaineering professionals (Beedie, 2003, 150).
The mountaineering community has constantly been changing but in the last couple decades and there has been some dramatic shifts. One who could be classified as a mountaineer had to come from the “right” background (Beedie, 631). Predominantly white upper-middle class to upper class men were the standard stock for mountaineers, although there were definite outliers from this group such as the famous Tenzing Norgay (Beedie, 631). These men would have had to endure a sort of “apprenticeship” before they would be taken seriously or classified as a mountaineer. There was no simple “jumping into” mountaineering (Beedie, 2003, 150). The right to climb on the most technically difficult mountains was one that had to be earned through bagging peaks of lesser consequence. It was after this process that mountaineers would then be considered for elite national teams that would attempt the peaks (Beedie, 2003, 150).
Postmodern adventure tourism has completely changed the way in which one can become a climber. Now one does not have to be a white male alumnus of Harvard or Oxford to be considered capable of climbing technically difficult mountains, and does not have to be selected by a government committee to be sent to the Himalaya or other ranges (Beedie, 632). There has however still been a predominantly upper-middle class and upper class elitism in adventure tourism. With attempts at Everest ranging in packages from upwards of sixty thousand American dollars and that is just for the guided ascent of Everest and trek from Kathmandu. The costs outside of this are also quite expensive (Beedie, 2003, 159).
Looking at the current rates for the mountain guiding company Mountain Madness the costs of climbing in the Himalaya are quite steep. Their base package is $67,000 which includes the trek, hotel accommodations in Nepal, bottled oxygen, porter support, meals on the trek to base camp, meals on the mountain itself, the permit fees and taxes for accessing Everest in Nepal, and of course the guide support (Mountain Madness). However Mountain Madness does not include in their package some other very important and expensive needs: the airfare to Nepal, travel insurance, international medical insurance, emergency rescue insurance, guide and porter gratuities, personal equipment, and any additional personal needs and accommodations (Mountain Madness). The most economic insurance plan offered at a discount to Mountain Madness through Travelgaurd customers and includes a bundle of medical, travelers, and rescue insurance comes out to about $4500 (Mountain Madness). Airfare from the United States to Kathmandu runs at an additional $1500 for a round trip ticket (Expedia). While Mount Everest remains the highest in price other mountain tourism adventures are also quite expensive. Also through Mountain Madness, the package to Mount Everest’s neighbor Cho Oyu starts at $22,000; a climb to Mount Blanc in France is about $3000; Aconcagua in Argentina begins at about $4500; and a climb to Mount Denali ranges from $7900 to $9000 (Mountain Madness). With such high costs there is no doubt which a gap in the socioeconomic status of mountaineering adventure tourists and that of other tourist ventures.
The changes in the recent years of who is on mountains has made a large effect on professional mountaineers. It is becoming increasingly difficult for mountaineers to create and maintain a community with the influx of so many people, who while may be enthusiastic about mountains and mountaineering, are not motivated by the same reasons as mountaineers (Beedie, 2003, 151). As touched upon earlier there is a definite change in the “apprenticeship” that is occurring to become a real mountaineer. Some of these adventure tourists may very well aspire to become a mountaineers and serious climbers (Beedie, 2003, 152). This creates a difficult social dynamic where on one hand mountaineers are rejecting tourists as perspective mountaineers and aspiring mountaineers classified as adventure tourists are struggling to gain the recognition and guidance needed to break into the community of serious and professional mountaineering (Beedie, 2003, 150-152).
The adventure tourist-mountaineer relationship is further being minced as the industry is increasingly financially supporting mountaineers. The fact remains that many mountaineers are not able to sustain themselves from sponsors alone but to remain economically supported as a mountaineer being a mountain guide is the reality of most careers (Beedie, 2003, 150). Paul Beedie spent many years as a mountain guide for adventure tourist and describes it as a difficult venture with some clients attitudes are that of “It’s as if they have paid for a service and they expect value for money” not taking into account that there are many things outside of the guide’s control (Beedie, 158). Guides are very much being placed in a unique new social situation where they are as Beedie describes “the bridge” between climbing clients and professional mountaineers (Beedie, 154).
The increasingly complicated social dynamics between guides and clients is not the only aspect being changed there is a definite tension between adventure tourists and their fellow travelers. The emphasis of adventure tourists and climbing is placed on the self (Mackenzie, 139). Each tourist as an induvial has a different motivation for undergoing a mountaineering venture and these ventures no doubt may not line up with the motives and goals of their companions. It has become an “every person for themselves” venture and an emphasis on relaying on guides to direct them instead of placing trust in their comrades (Krakauer, 82).
With this ever increasing demand upon guides and guiding companies there has become naturally a demand upon local support. Perhaps apart from the mountain of Everest itself one of the most talked about subjects in Himalaya mountaineering has been the influence and effects of mountaineering and tourism upon that of the Sherpa people. As anthropologist Sherry B. Ortner has well observed, Sherpas as a people and a culture have become heavily intertwined with that of mountaineering expeditions. Even before the formation of the mountaineering adventure tourism industry national expeditions have been utilizing Sherpas as high altitude porters (Ortner, 126). With the contemporary influx of tourists equally to an economical capital worth $142 Billion a year internationally and has certainly caused a mass change in both the Sherpa economy as well as the Sherpa culture (Mackenzie, 125).
Before the influx the traditional means of Sherpa income was agriculture. Now the backbone of the Sherpa economy is mountaineering and tourism (Ortner, 63). While the traditional agriculture has not disappeared it has been lessened considerably as a livelihood. The agricultural prospects cannot simply meet the amount of income that can be gained by being a high altitude porter or a guide; a Sherpa can make several times the income through mountaineering support then that of agriculture and traditional Sherpa occupations (Ortner, 75). Being a porter and a guide is also not the only option for an occupation based off mountaineering. There has been a mass amount of inns and teahouses that have sprung up in the recent decades to accommodate trekkers and climbers (Stevens, 1991, 40). Like that of guiding and climbing support, these establishments also make more money than conventional Sherpa occupations (Stevens, 1991, 40).
This changing of the Sherpa community while financially improving the lives of Sherpas has come at a heavy price. The amount of fatalities and serious injuries as a result of mountaineering support and guiding are inordinately high in the Sherpa population (Ortner, 6-8). The vast majority of Sherpas have either have had a family member or known someone who has died as a result of these occupations (Ortner, 6-8). Furthermore this is also resulting in a large absence of Sherpas away from home (mostly men) for long periods of time (Stevens, 1991, 47). This is leaving a lot of work and effecting the family structure of the Sherpa community. There is a large amount of agricultural work that is left to the women and further straining their workload (Stevens, 1991, 47-48). Also there is also strain to families who have had a family member die or injured on expeditions. As a result of loosing a working family member the survivors are frequently left to pursue traditional agriculture to secure a living (Stevens, 1991, 48-52). There is not currently any sort of life insurance policies or real compensation for family members after the death or injury of a mountaineering Sherpa and the burden is being felt by many (Stevens, 1991, 49-52).
Among the Sherpa people, there has also been a concern that there is a great cultural loss happening because of the adventure tourist industry. The industry has created a new means of living for the Sherpas but the traditional culture of Sherpas is disappearing. Sherpas are becoming “westernized” (Ortner, 249). However the Sherpas themselves do not seem to be lamenting this loss of culture. Schools and hospitals have been opened up as part of the effort of relief organizations and former mountaineers and trekkers (Stevens, 1991, 44). This is viewed as a loss of diversity and traditional values which once lost cannot be recovered.
The Sherpas are not alone however in the changing of their lives and livelihood; as a result of adventure tourism in the Uttarakhand Himalaya, peoples there have been heavily effected as well. There is great depend for accommodations and support from the people of the Uttarakhand region. This area too is being cultural changed. Due to the influx of tourist and usage of nearby rivers people are no longer able to bathe there as is customary (Sati, 106) and there is a large influx of external cultural influences.
These regions are being heavily changed by mountain tourism more than culturally, there is a large degree of pollution and environmental change as a result of tourists passing through. Everest has in the recent decades become something of a trash heap. From discarded oxygen bottles, gear, trash, human excrement, and human bodies are all being left behind on the slopes of the world’s highest mountain (Krakauer, 111). The massive amount of adventure touristsd trekking and climbing Everest are not taking out what they are bringing in and it is becoming quite a mess (Krakauer, 54).
It is not just the mountain itself that is being effected the area around Everest and in other parts of the Himalaya are being utilized as well. There has been a severe thinning of the forests and shrubs in the Khumba region of Nepal due to need for wood (Stevens, 2003, 255). While the burning of firewood has been prohibited by the Nepalese government for the past couple of decades there has been an upsurge in wood usage to build the new inns and teahouses (Stevens, 2003, 256). With the creation of Sagarmatha National Park and the sanctions against the trees in the region there has been an over emphasis to import wood from the nearby Pharak region (Stevens, 2003, 264). Pharak Forest usage has not been regulated by the Nepalese government and as a result it is facing a massive forest degradation (Stevens, 2003, 264). The Uttarakhand Himalaya region is also facing similar problems as the Khumbu region. Uttarakhand is seeing an upscale in the amount of adventure tourist coming into the region and has been struggling to meet the demand for accommodations and the trash removal needed from the area (Sati, 105). While this is still an up and coming destination for tourists and mountaineering there have been no sanctions placed on resources as of yet and the area is still figuring out how to deal with the influx of tourism (Sati,106).
Adventure tourism has adversely effected both the world of mountaineering and the mountains themselves and shows no sign of stopping anytime soon. They have changed the relationship between guides and mountaineering and are challenging the conventions of this sport. Tourists have quickly outnumbered the professional mountaineers and guides in the world, and because of it are forcing the big question of how will mountaineering as a sport handle these amateur enthusiasts? Will being a tourist become the natural order of apprenticeship required to be a mountaineer or will the mountaineering community close itself off from this enterprising new industry? Only time will tell as to the development of adventure tourists and their wide reaching effects as regions and peoples adapt to welcome the income and support offered by the promise of tourist seeking to find a new Eden and to explore a way to overcome the ultimate obstacles of the mind.
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